Tuesday, May 19, 2020

The True Cause Of Violent Behaviors - 1613 Words

The True Cause of Violent Behaviors in Today s Society There are volumes of media that are starting to harm the world in which we live. They have been linked to fourteen mass murders (Fletcher). Nine out of the top ten selling games have been labeled as violent and 42% of adolescents play them (â€Å"Children and Video Games†). These violent video games are a major problem in the United States and across the globe. Violent video games have a direct correlation with negative behaviors because they increase anger and aggression in young people, decrease prosocial behavior, and have unfavorable effects on a teens daily life. Violent video games increase violent behaviors: anger and aggression in teenagers. Adolescents’ relationships with others†¦show more content†¦If people are viewing the world as a hostile and violent place then they are not able to grow and develop relationships with others in their lives. They are gaining beliefs that their life outside of violent video games wants them to fail, and that society is unable to understand their way of life. Violent video games are destroying the possibility of relationships between people. 90% of video games portray violence. â€Å"Our brain sometimes doesn’t distinguish between what is real and what we see on TV† (Barclay). This is a scary realization because it shows that what we watch and play on TV can have a very harmful effect on our lives. Our brain is sometimes unable to recognize what is real and what is not, which in turn will not be able to help determine when a violent situation is occurring and when one is not . Violent video games do not promote prosocial behavior between humans. Violent video games have contributed to fatal actions. â€Å"Mika Brzezinski said, ‘It’s kind of hard not to make a connection [between games and the Navy Yard Shooting] when you hear [the shooter’s] friend saying that he would watch on a life size screen these violent video games for hours and hours and hours and hours and hours’† (Kain). Violent video games are being linked to many of the mass shootings around the United States, specifically the Washington Navy Yard shooting. Instead of helping each other some violent video game players are turning to guns and weapons, which isShow MoreRelatedSociety’s Most Recent Scapegoat: Video Gaming1637 Words   |  7 Pages Rebellious, violent behavior in youth is often treated simplistically – whether Elvis Presley’s latest hits, the programs airing on Saturday night television, or the newest film playing in theaters were popular amongst children and young adults, the blame for unfavorable behavior has always had its scapegoat. One of the most recent additions to society’s scapegoats is video gaming. Whether the objective of a given game is to fight crime or cause it, the morality of video games is often questionedRead MoreEssay Do Violent Video Games Cause Bad Behavior?1373 Words   |  6 Pagesmany years ago, violent, bloody games have existed also. Some include killing zombies, shooting people, and fighting that ends in either someone dying or being hurt. The outcome remains the same, and a select few continue to live out these games throughout their daily life. These games can sometimes cause people to become angry. Although, some video games may have a negative effect on some people’s lives, other reasons such as their home life can be a factor in these people’s behavior. In some statesRead MoreSynthesis Essay Do Violent Video Games Cause Aggressive Behavior?1697 Words   |  7 PagesViolent Video Games Made Me Do It School shootings years ago in Paducah, Kentucky; Jonesboro, Arkansas; and Littleton Colorado, have raised the question time and time again. Do violent video games have an influence on children and their aggressive behavior? In all three of these brutal shootings, all the shooters were students who habitually played violent video games. The Columbine High School students who murdered thirteen and wounded twenty-three in Littleton before committing suicide after theRead MoreMultimedia Violence : A Grave Threat Of Teens Of The New Generation. Craig A. Anderson1585 Words   |  7 PagesState University, commented on multimedia violence saying, â€Å"Exposing children and adolescents (or ‘youth’) to violent visual media increases the likelihood that they will engage in physical aggression against another person. By ‘physical aggression’ we mean behavior that is intended to harm another person physically, such as hitting with a fist or some object. A single brie f exposure to violent media can increase aggression in the immediate situation. The repeated exposure leads to general increasesRead MoreViolent Behavior : The Contributors1706 Words   |  7 PagesTriggering Violent Behavior: the Contributors Violence can be everywhere but what may actually trigger violent behaviors is difficult to figure out. Many believe violent behavior is triggered by a certain outcome. Although this may be true, violent behavior can be triggered by a combination of factors. Media, Chemicals, and even society are all known as factors that can influence one to become violent. Forms of violent behavior include aggression, aggravation, and/or frustration. Aggression isRead More The Debate Over Video Game Violence Essay1734 Words   |  7 Pagescontroversy since video games were first released decades ago. Video games involve the use of body and mind, which causes the player to be inside of the game, and they can see the world through the eyes of the character of which they play. Some psychologists and other scientists suggest that violent video games can cause psychological disorders which can cause players to engage in violent behavior in real life. On the other hand, there have also been studies conducted that suggest violence in video gamesRead MoreViolent Media And The Aggressive Generation1116 Words   |  5 PagesMatthew Taylor Ms. Cowburn AP Language 12 June 2017 Violent Media and The Aggressive Generation It Has Established The creation of visual and active forms of media has caused debate and discussion over the effects it has on the brain. The effects of media on the brain are of concern regarding children specifically, as their minds are still developing. Questions of the severity and impact have intrigued parents, scientists, and lawmakers. The first committee on this issue, the Surgeon GeneralsRead MoreCause-and-Effect Relationship between TV Violence and Actual Crimes1755 Words   |  7 PagesWhat evidence do you find in these essays that establishes a cause- and effect relationship between TV violence and actual crimes? The subject of violence and sexuality on television has remained of great concern for both liberals and conservatives, and there are advocates on both sides of the issue in each ideological camp. While some liberals bridle at any attempts to curtail speech, others are concerned about the impact that violent television viewing has upon impressionable viewers like childrenRead MoreVideo Game : Video Games1584 Words   |  7 PagesHalo, Call of Duty, Grand Theft Auto, World of Warcraft, and Assassin’s Creed—these are just some of the violent video games that are commonly played by boys and girls, young and old alike in today’s society. Many experts fear that this violence in video games increases violence in people in real life, causing people to act out as if they were in the video game, increasing aggressive behavior so much that it could actually escalate to shooting, stabbing, and killing people. There have already beenRead MoreThe Effect of Violence in the Me dia on the Minds of Adolescents1539 Words   |  6 Pageswhat children may think is ordinary behavior or language. (Felson) Violence is found in almost everything anymore, regardless of the movie, show or video games. There is some type of violence involved, and it’s almost becoming â€Å"normal†. (Felson) With forcefulness being observed in animations, sports, sitcoms and dramas, it’s likely to make children believe that this type of behavior is adequate. â€Å"Psychologists have discovered that elevated exposure of violent video games can be linked to delinquency

Tuesday, May 12, 2020

Child Care As It Has Always Been in The Common Sense...

Initially published in 1845 by Dr. Benjamin Spock, The Common Sense Guide to Baby and Child Care revolutionized parenting, and thus, the upbringing of an entire generation and those following. As society changed, new editions of the original handbook emerged to fit the lifestyle of the current population. Dr. Spock wrote seven editions of The Common Sense Guide to Baby and Child Care alongside a prestigious pediatrician, Steven Parker, before his death in 1998. I read the ninth addition of the manual, revised by pediatrician Dr. Robert Needleman, which includes modern-day ideas such as eating disorders in teenagers and applying to college. Prior to the first section of the manual, Dr. Spock speaks about the challenges of parenthood:†¦show more content†¦Physical developments of an infant as they grow are discussed, including the ability to walk. According to Dr. Spock, a child should receive plenty of social interaction so they can grow into a â€Å"people person;† th is can hold much relevance to the course since the United States continued to grow and maintain balance through compromises, like the Compromise of 1850. On the other hand, several diseases and conditions an infant may face and ways to deal with them are presented in detail. I would recommend never giving a child medication that has not been cleared by a doctor beforehand. Toddlers are between the ages of one and two. At this stage, children start to become more independent and outgoing, feeling adventurous (but only in the presence of their parents). They have a fear of separation and are weary of strangers. Furthermore, nap time become less frequent; their nutrition changes as well, with the introduction of cow’s milk and simple finger foods. The â€Å"terrible twos† is â€Å"actually a terrific time,† through imitation, communication, imagination, and playing. Children become more anxious about being separated from their parents, but also negative and will di splay more than a few temper tantrums. Preschoolers, ages

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Genetically Modified Organisms For Consumer Purposes

Genetic technology has revolutionized the field of science and introduced genetically altered organisms for consumer purposes. Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) are created with an intention to eradicate poverty by increasing the volume of crop yield, which proportionally gives people an easy access to a food supply. With the ever-growing world population, food shortage has been an immense obstacle many developing countries are facing. Genetically modified foods have addressed this problem by being widely incorporated into the basic human diet. Genetic technology utilizes techniques that alters species and the process goes against nature. The artificiality of GMOs can be a potential threat to human health and the environment. Genetically modified products have negatively impacted farmers worldwide, due to the expensive seeds and high maintenance. Although genetically modified foods supports the thriving human population, genetically modified food labeling and production should be extensively regulated by the U.S government to protect the public health, the environment, and the farmers’ sovereignty. Firstly, genetically modified organisms could potentially be a dangerous threat to human health. Genetically modified products are synthesized in laboratories with toxic chemicals. Genetic modification also utilizes recombinant technology to optimize crop yield. Recombinant technology targets and alters genes of a specific organism, a procedure that sequences DNA from twoShow MoreRelatedWhy Are Genetically Modified Foods?1359 Words   |  6 PagesGenetically modified organisms have the potential to be a beneficial crop in many different areas with further research and development. Created in 1994 as a tomato variety with a gene to allow for longer shelf life, these crops have been introduced in the market for both human and livestock consumption. Genetically modified organisms (GMOs) are a type of organism that has had its deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) changed to include a foreign gene that allows for some enhancement in the organism such asRead MoreNo Fear Of Gmos Genetically Modifie d Organisms1447 Words   |  6 PagesNo Fear of GMOs Genetically modified organism, to some people this can be a scary word and other people it doesn’t bother at all. When some think of genetically modified organisms, these crazy images of cross bred plants and animals with extra limbs or odd features come to mind when in reality, genetically modified organisms or GMOs are very normal organisms that are important to society. More recently there has been heated debates over GMOs and how they should be labeled for the public, but thatRead MoreGenre Analysis : Jenny Mollen1156 Words   |  5 Pagespersuasion would be the greatest superpower of all time† (â€Å"Jenny Mollen Quotes†, n.d.). In other words, if you are able to persuade someone, you can basically get anything you want. Today, many expert writers utilizes genre conventions to state their purpose and to persuade their audience. First of all, what is a genre convention? Genre convention is defined as a communication or a connection for writers and readers thr ough the structure, reference, or language of an essay. For example, if a famous scienceRead MoreGenetically Modified Products And Natural Products1510 Words   |  7 PagesThe consumer may think that these vegetables look like the paragon of fresh produce, however the means by which these products have been produces is left unknown to the customer. For the purposes of this paper, genetically modified organisms can be defined as â€Å"plants or animals whose cells have been inserted with a gene from an unrelated species in order to take on specific characteristics† (Lee 2014). Currently, over 70 percent of packaged food at grocery stores has been genetically modified in someRead MoreGenetically Modified Organisms ( Gmo )1665 Words   |  7 PagesA genetically modified organism (GMO) is a chemical organism processed in a laboratory where genes from the DNA of the crops are extracted and then artificially forced into an unrelated product that, when put into the crops the farm ers raise, can chemically change the makeup of the crop. The chemical makeup can be from the change in the skin color of the crop to the actual organic chemistry compound. Genetic engineering is the process of splicing the genes in the crop and taking out a certain chemicalRead MoreBenefits Of Genetically Modified Organisms1199 Words   |  5 PagesIntroduction Genetically modified organisms come to be through genetic engineering where their genetic material is artificially altered in a laboratory to suit certain specifications. Genetic engineering is a new technology which gives rise to unstable animals, bacteria, and plants which are not naturally occurring and do not come into being through the normal crossbreeding methods as other traditional crops. Virtually every genetically modified crop produced commercially are made in such a wayRead MoreGenetically Modified Foods ( Gmos )898 Words   |  4 Pagessociety Genetically Modified Foods (GMOs) can be found and purchased in most farmers markets across the United States. Genetically modified foods are designed to resist or tolerate pesticides, insects, and viruses (Segen’s Medical Dictionary). When changing the DNA makeup of an organism it alters the gene pool and can in fact lead to an unstable living environment. Genetically modified food is harmful not only to humans but to all organisms living in close proximity to genetically modified food cropsRead MoreInformative Speech : Genetically Modified Foods986 Words   |  4 PagesKeyanna Ralph Professor Enslen SPC 1017 12 November 2015 Informative Speech Outline TOPIC: Genetically Modified Foods General Purpose: To inform Specific Purpose: At the end of my presentation, the audience will be informed on what genetically modified foods are, where they are found, and some of the controversial advantages, and disadvantages that are associated with them. Introduction Attention Getter and relate to audience: Before you eat a meal or snack do you ever actually think aboutRead MoreArguments Of Proponents And Opponents Of The Safe And Accurate Food Labeling Act1744 Words   |  7 Pagesproponents make about genetically modified food is that they are no different than natural foods. An argument that opponents make is that genetically modified organisms have not been tested enough because they are fairly new and some scientist truly don’t have an understanding of how it will affect humans bodies differently than natural foods. Proponents argue that genetically engineered foods have no needs for labeling; it would lead to consumer confusion. Opponents argue that consumers have the rightRead MoreNon Genetically Modified Food Demand1632 Words   |  7 PagesNon-Genetically Modified Food Demand and Supply and Demand of Food Supply and Restaurants in the United States Genetically modified crops have played an important role in food supply of the United States for nearly two decades. The incentives for producers to use these crops are numerous, such as: an increased resistance to pests and improving the yield of the harvest. While these crops have been accepted as the norm for years, recently more shoppers have become increasingly concerned about what

Annihilation of Caste Free Essays

THE ANNIHILATION OF CASTE Prologue [How this speech came to be composed—and not delivered] [1:] On December 12, 1935, I received the following letter from Mr. Sant Ram, the Secretary of the Jat – Pat – Todak Mandal: My dear Doctor Saheb, Many thanks for your kind letter of the 5th December. I have released it for press without your permission for which I beg your pardon, as I saw no harm in giving it publicity. We will write a custom essay sample on Annihilation of Caste or any similar topic only for you Order Now You are a great thinker, and it is my well-considered opinion that none else has studied the problem of Caste so deeply as you have. I have always benefited myself and our Mandal from your ideas. I have explained and preached it in the Kranti many times and I have even lectured on it in many Conferences. I am now very anxious to read the exposition of your new formula—†It is not possible to break Caste without annihilating the religious notions on which it, the Caste system, is founded. † Please do explain it at length at your earliest convenience, so that we may take up the idea and emphasise it from press and platform. At present, it is not fully clear to me. ***** Our Executive Committee persists in having you as our President for our Annual Conference. We can change our dates to accommodate your convenience. Independent Harijans of Punjab are very much desirous to meet you and discuss with you their plans. So if you kindly accept our request and come to Lahore to preside over the Conference it will serve double purpose. We will invite Harijan leaders of all shades of opinion and you will get an opportunity of giving your ideas to them. The Mandal has deputed our Assistant Secretary, Mr. Indra Singh, to meet you at Bombay in Xmas and discuss with you the whole situation with a view to persuade you to please accept our request. ***** 2:] The Jat – Pat – Todak Mandal I was given to understand to be an organization of Caste Hindu Social Reformers, with the one and only aim, namely, to eradicate the Caste System from amongst the Hindus. As a rule, I do not like to take any part in a movement which is carried on by the Caste Hindus. Their attitude towards social reform is so different from mine that I have found it difficul t to pull on with them. Indeed, I find their company quite uncongenial to me on account of our differences of opinion. Therefore when the Mandal first approached me, I declined their invitation to preside. The Mandal, however, would not take a refusal from me, and sent down one of its members to Bombay to press me to accept the invitation. In the end I agreed to preside. The Annual Conference was to be held at Lahore, the headquarters of the Mandal. The Conference was to meet at Easter, but was subsequently postponed to the middle of May 1936. [3:] The Reception Committee of the Mandal has now cancelled the Conference. The notice of cancellation came long after my Presidential address had been printed. The copies of this address are now lying with me. As I did not get an opportunity to deliver the address from the presidential chair, the public has not had an opportunity to know my views on the problems created by the Caste System. To let the public know them, and also to dispose of the printed copies which are lying on my hand, I have decided to put the printed copies of the address in the market. The accompanying pages contain the text of that address. [4:] The public will be curious to know what led to the cancellation of my appointment as the President of the Conference. At the start, a dispute arose over the printing of the address. I desired that the address should be printed in Bombay. The Mandal wished that it should be printed in Lahore, on the grounds of economy. I did not agree, and insisted upon having it printed in Bombay. Instead of their agreeing to my proposition, I received a letter signed by several members of the Mandal, from which I give the following extract: 27-3-36 Revered Dr. Ji, Your letter of the 24th instant addressed to Sjt. Sant Ram has been shown to us. We were a little disappointed to read it. Perhaps you are not fully aware of the situation that has arisen here. Almost all the Hindus in the Punjab are against your being invited to this province. The Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal has been subjected to the bitterest criticism and has received censorious rebuke from all quarters. All the Hindu leaders among whom being Bhai Parmanand, M. L. A. (Ex-President, Hindu Maha Sabha), Mahatma Hans Raj, Dr. Gokal Chand Narang, Minister for Local Self-Government, Raja Narendra Nath, M. L. C. etc. , have dissociated themselves from this step of the Mandal. Despite all this the runners of the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal (the leading figure being Sjt. Sant Ram) are determined to wade through thick and thin but would not give up the idea of your presidentship. The Mandal has earned a bad name. ***** Under the circumstances it becomes your duty to co-operate with the Mandal. On the one hand, they are being put to so much trouble and hardship by the Hindus and if on the other hand you too augment their difficulties it will be a most sad coincidence of bad luck for them. We hope you will think over the matter and do what is good for us all. ***** [5:] This letter puzzled me greatly. I could not understand why the Mandal should displease me, for the sake of a few rupees, in the matter of printing the address. Secondly, I could not believe that men like Sir Gokal Chand Narang had really resigned as a protest against my selection as President, because I had received the following letter from Sir Gokal Chand himself: 5 Montgomery Road Lahore, 7-2-36 Dear Doctor Ambedkar, I am glad to learn from the workers of the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal that you have agreed to preside at their next anniversary to be held at Lahore during the Easter holidays, it will give me much pleasure if you stay with me while you are at Lahore. More when we meet. Yours sincerely, G. C. Narang [6:] Whatever be the truth, I did not yield to this pressure. But even when the Mandal found that I was insisting upon having my address printed in Bombay, instead of agreeing to my proposal the Mandal sent me a wire that they were sending Mr. Har Bhagwan to Bombay to â€Å"talk over matters personally. † Mr. Har Bhagwan came to Bombay on the 9th of April. When I met Mr. Har Bhagwan, I found that he had nothing to say regarding the issue. Indeed he was so unconcerned regarding the printing of the address—whether it should be printed in Bombay or in Lahore—that he did not even mention it in the course of our conversation. [7:] All that he was anxious for was to know the contents of the address. I was then convinced that in getting the address printed in Lahore, the main object of the Mandal was not to save money but to get at the contents of the address. I gave him a copy. He did not feel very happy with some parts of it. He returned to Lahore. From Lahore, he wrote to me the following letter: Lahore April 14, 1936 My dear Doctor Sahib, Since my arrival from Bombay, on the 12th, I have been indisposed owing to my having not slept continuously for 5 or 6 nights, which were spent in the train. Reaching here I came to know that you had come to Amritsar. I would have seen you there if I were well enough to go about. I have made over your address to Mr. Sant Ram for translation and he has liked it very much, but he is not sure whether it could be translated by him for printing before the 25th. In any case, it woud have a wide publicity and we are sure it would wake the Hindus up from their slumber. The passage I pointed out to you at Bombay has been read by some of our friends with a little misgiving, and those of us who would like to see the Conference terminate without any untoward incident would prefer that at least the word â€Å"Veda† be left out for the time being. I leave this to your good sense. I hope, however, in your concluding paragraphs you will make it clear that the views expressed in the address are your own and that the responsibility does not lie on the Mandal. I hope you will not mind this statement of mine and would let us have 1,000 copies of the address, for which we shall, of course, pay. To this effect I have sent you a telegram today. A cheque of Rs. 100 is enclosed herewith which kindly acknowledge, and send us your bills in due time. I have called a meeting of the Reception Committee and shall communicate their decision to you immediately. In the meantime kindly accept my heartfelt thanks for the kindness shown to me and the great pains taken heartfelt thanks for the kindness shown to me and the great pains taken by you in the preparation of your address. You have really put us under a heavy debt of gratitude. Yours sincerely, Har Bhagwan P. S. — Kindly send the copies of the address by passenger train as soon as it is printed, so that copies may be sent to the Press for publication. [8:] Accordingly I handed over my manuscript to the printer with an order to print 1,000 copies. Eight days later, I received another letter from Mr. Har Bhagwan which I reproduce below: Lahore, 22-4-36 Dear Dr. Ambedkar, We are in receipt of your telegram and letter, for which kindly accept our thanks. In accordance with your desire, we have again postponed our Conference, but feel that it would have been much better to have it on the 25th and 26th, as the weather is growing warmer and warmer every day in the Punjab. In the middle of May it would be fairly hot, and the sittings in the day time would not be very pleasant and comfortable. However, we shall try our best to do all we can to make things as comfortable as possible, if it is held in the middle of May. There is, however, one thing that we have been compelled to bring to your kind attention. You will remember that when I pointed out to you the misgivings entertained by some of our people regarding your declaration on the subject of change of religion, you told me that it was undoubtedly outside the scope of the Mandal and that you had no intention to say anything from our platform in that connection. At the same ime when the manuscript of your address was handed to me you assured me that that was the main portion of your address and that there were only two or three concluding paragraphs that you wanted to add. On receipt of the second instalment of your address we have been taken by surprise, as that would make it so lengthy, that we are afraid, very few people would read the whole of it. Besides that you have more than once stated in your address that you had decided to walk out of the fold of the Hindus and that that was your last address as a Hindu. You have also unnecessarily attacked the morality and reasonableness of the Vedas and other religious books of the Hindus, and have at length dwelt upon the technical side of Hindu religion, which has absolutely no connection with the problem at issue, so much so that some of the passages have become irrelevant and off the point. We would have been very pleased if you had confined your address to that portion given to me, or if an addition was necessary, it would have been limited to what you had written on Brahminism etc. The last portion which deals with the complete annihilation of Hindu religion and doubts the morality of the sacred books of the Hindus as well as a hint about your intention to leave the Hindu fold does not seem to me to be relevant. I would therefore most humbly request you on behalf of the people responsible for the Conference to leave out the passages referred to above, and close the address with what was given to me or add a few paragraphs on Brahminism. We doubt the wisdom of making the address unnecessarily provocative and pinching. There are several of us who subscribe to your feelings and would very much want to be under your banner for remodelling of the Hindu religion. If you had decided to get together persons of your cult I can assure you a large number would have joined your army of reformers from the Punjab. In fact, we thought you would give us a lead in the destruction of the evil of caste system, especially when you have studied the subject so thoroughly, and strengthen our hands by bringing about a revolution and making yourself as a nucleus in the gigantic effort, but declaration of the nature made by you when repeated loses its power, and becomes a hackneyed term. Under the circumstances, I would request you to consider the whole matter and make our address more effective by saying that you would be glad to take a leading part in the destruction of the caste system if the Hindus are willing to work in right earnest toward that end, even if they had to forsake their kith and kin and the religious notions. In case you do so, I am sanguine that you would find a ready response from the Punjab in such an endeavour. I shall be grateful if you will help us at this juncture as we have already undergone much expenditure and have been put to suspense, and let us know by the return of post th at you have condescended to limit your address as above. In case, you still insist upon the printing of the address in toto, we very much regret it would not be possible—rather advisable for us to hold the Conference, and would prefer to postpone it sine die , a l t h o u g h b y d o i n g s o w e s h a l l b e l o s i n g t h e g o o d w i l l o f t h e people because of the repeated postponements. We should, however, like to point out that you have carved a niche in our hearts by writing such a wonderful treatise on the caste system, which excels all other treatises so far written and will prove to be a valuable heritage, so to say. We shall be ever indebted to you for the pains taken by you in its preparation. Thanking you very much for your kindness and with best wishes. I am, yours sincerely, Har Bhagwan [9:] To this letter I sent the following reply : 27th April 1936 Dear Mr. Har Bhagwan, I am in receipt of your letter of the 22nd April. I note with regret that the Reception Commitiee of the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal â€Å"would prefer t o p o s t p o n e t h e C o n f e r e n c e sine die † i f I i n s i s t e d u p o n p r i n t i n g t h e a d d r e s s in toto. I n r e p l y I h a v e t o i n f o r m y o u t h a t I a l s o w o u l d p r e f e r a d d r e s s in toto. I n r e p l y I h a v e t o i n f o r m y o u t h a t I a l s o w o u l d p r e f e r to have the Conference cancelled—I do not like to use vague terms—if the Mandal insisted upon having my address pruned to suit its circumstances. You may not like my decision. But I cannot give up, for the sake of the honour of presiding over the Conference, the liberty which every President must have in the preparation of the address. I cannot give up, for the sake of pleasing the Mandal, the duty which every President owes to the Conference over which he presides, to give it a lead which he thinks right and proper. The issue is one of principle, and I feel I must do nothing to compromise it in any way. I would not have entered into any controversy as regards the propriety of the decision taken by the Reception Committee. But as you have given certain reasons which appear to throw the blame on me, I am bound to answer them. In the first place, I must dispel the notion that the views contained in that part of the address to which objection has been taken by the Committee have come to the Mandal as a surprise. Mr. Sant Ram, I am sure, will bear me out when I say that in reply to one of his letters I had said that the real method of breaking up the Caste System was not to bring about inter-caste dinners and inter-caste marriages but to destroy the religious notions on which Caste was founded, and that Mr. Sant Ram in return asked me to explain what he said was a novel point of view. It was in response to this invitation from Mr. Sant Ram that I thought I ought to elaborate in my address what I had stated in a sentence in my letter to him. You cannot, therefore, say that the views expressed are new. At any rate, they are not new to Mr. Sant Ram, who is the moving spirit and the leading light of your Mandal. But I go further and say that I wrote this part of my address not merely because I felt it desirable to do so. I wrote it because I thought that it was absolutely necessary to complete the argument. I am amazed to read that you characterize the portion of the speech to which your Committee objects as â€Å"irrelevant and off the point. † You will allow me to say that I am a lawyer and I know the rules of relevancy as well as any member of your Committee. I most emphatically maintain that the portion objected to is not only most relevant but is also important. It is in that part of the address that I have discussed the ways and means of breaking up the Caste System. It may be that the conclusion I have arrived at as to the best method of destroying Caste is startling and painful. You are entitled to say that my analysis is wrong. But you cannot say that in an address which deals with the problem of Caste it is not o pen to me to discuss how Caste can be destroyed. Your other complaint relates to the length of the address. I have pleaded guilty to the charge in the address itself. But who is really responsible for this? I fear you have come rather late on the scene. Otherwise you would have known that originally I had planned to write a short address, for my own convenience, as I had neither the time nor the energy to engage myself in the preparation of an elaborate thesis. It was the Mandal which asked me to deal with the subject exhaustively, and it was the Mandal which sent down to me a list of questions relating to the Caste System and asked me to answer them in the body of my address, as they were questions which were often raised in the controversy as they were questions which were often raised in the controversy between the Mandal and its opponents, and which the Mandal found difficult to answer satisfactorily. It was in trying to meet the wishes of the Mandal in this respect that the address has grown to the length to which it has. In view of what I have said, I am sure you will agree that the fault respecting the length of the address is not mine. I did not expect that your Mandal would be so upset because I have spoken of the destruction of Hindu Religion. I thought it was only fools who were afraid of words. But lest there should be any misapprehension in the minds of the people, I have taken great pains to explain what I mean by religion and destruction of religion. I am sure that nobody, on reading my address, could possibly misunderstand me. That your Mandal should have taken a fright at mere words as â€Å"destruction of religion etc. † notwithstanding the explanation that accompanies . them, does not raise the Mandal in my estimation. One cannot have any respect or regard for men who take the position of the Reformer and then refuse even to see the logical consequences of that position, let alone following them out in action. You will agree that I have never accepted to be limited in any way in t he preparation of my address, and the question as to what the address should or should not contain was never even discussed between myself and the Mandal. I had always taken for granted that I was free to express in the address such views as I held on the subject. Indeed, until you came to Bombay on the 9th April, the Mandal did not know what sort of an address I was preparing. It was when you came to Bombay that I voluntarily told you that I had no desire to use your platform from which to advocate my views regarding change of religion by the Depressed Classes. I think I have scrupulously kept that promise in the preparation of the address. Beyond a passing reference of an indirect character where I say that â€Å"I am sorry I will not be here. . . etc. † I have said nothing about the subject in my address. When I see you object even to such a passing and so indirect a reference, I feel bound to ask, did you think that in agreeing to preside over your Conference I would be agreeing to suspend or to give up my views regarding change of faith by the Depressed Classes? If you did think so, I must tell you that I am in no way responsible for such a mistake on your part. If any of you had even hinted to me that in exchange for the honour you were doing me by electing as President, I was to abjure my faith in my programme of conversion, I would have told you in quite plain terms that I cared more for my faith than for any honour from you. After your letter of the 14th, this letter of yours comes as a surprize to me. I am sure that any one who reads them [both] will feel the same. I c a n n o t a c c o u n t f o r t h i s s u d d e n volte face o n t h e p a r t o f t h e R e c e p t i o n Committee. There is no difference in substance between the rough draft which was before the Committee when you wrote your letter of the 14th, and the final draft on which the decision of the Committee communicated to me in your letter under reply was taken. You cannot point out a single new idea in the final draft which is not contained in the earlier draft. The ideas are the same. The only difference is that they have been worked out in greater detail in the final draft. If there was anything to object to in the address, you could have said so on the 14th. But you did not. On the contrary, you asked me to print off 1,000 copies, leaving me the liberty to accept or not the verbal changes which you suggested. Accordingly I got 1,000 copies printed, which are now lying with me. Eight days later ou write to say that you object to the address and that if it is not amended the Conference will be cancelled. You ought to have known that there was no hope of any alteration being made in the address. I told you when you were in Bombay that I would not alter a comma, that I would not allow any censorship over my address, and that you would have to accept the address as it came from me. I also told you that the responsibility. for the views expres sed in the address was entirely mine, and if they were not liked by the Conference I would not mind at all if the Conference passed a resolution condemning them. So anxious was I to relieve your Mandal from having to assume responsibility for my views—and also with the object of not getting myself entangled by too intimate an association with your Conference—I suggested to you that I desired to have my address treated as a sort of an inaugural address and not as a Presidential address, and that the Mandal should find some one else to preside over the Conference and deal with the resolutions. Nobody could have been better placed to take a decision on the 14th than your Committee. The Committee failed to do that, and in the meantime cost of printing has been incurred which, I am sure, with a little more firmness on the part of your Committee, could have been saved. I feel sure that the views expressed in my address have little to do with the decision of your Committee. I have reason to believe that my presence at the Sikh Prachar Conference held at Amritsar has had a good deal to do with the decision of the Committee. Nothing else can satisfactorily explain the sudden volte face shown by the Committee between the 14th and the 22nd April. I must not however prolong this controversy, and must request you to announce immediately that the Session of the Conference which was to meet under my Presidentship is cancelled. All the grace [period] has by now run out, and I shall not consent to preside, even if your Committee agreed to accept my address as it is, in toto. I thank you for your appreciation of the pains I have taken in the preparation of the address. I certainly have profited by the labour, [even] if no one else does. My only regret is that I was put to such hard labour at a time when my health was not equal to the strain it has caused. Yours sincerely, B. R. Ambedkar [10:] This correspondence will disclose the reasons which have led to the cancellation by the Mandal of my appointment as President, and the reader will be in a position to lay the blame where it ought properly to belong. This is I believe the first time when the appointment of a President is cancelled by the Reception Committee because it does not approve of the views of the President. But whether that is so or not, this is certainly the first time in my life to have been invited to preside over a Conference of Caste Hindus. I am sorry that it has ended in a tragedy. But what can anyone expect from a relationship so tragic as the relationship between the reforming sect of Caste Hindus and the self – respecting sect of relationship so tragic as the relationship between the reforming sect of Caste Hindus and the self – respecting sect of Untouchables, where the former have no desire to alienate their orthodox fellows, and the latter have no alternative but to insist upon reform being carried out ? B. R. AMBEDKAR Rajgriha, Dadar, Bombay 14 5th May 1936 Preface to the Second Edition [1937] [1:] The speech prepared by me for the Jat – Pat – Todak Mandal of Lahore has had an astonishingly warm reception from the Hindu public for whom it was primarily intended. The English edition of one thousand five hundred copies was exhausted within two months of its publication. It is has been translated into Gujarati and Tamil. It is being translated into Marathi, Hindi, Punjabi and Malayalam. The demand for the English text still continues unabated. To satisfy this demand it has become necessary to issue a Second Edition. Considerations of history and effectiveness of appeal have led me to retain the original form of the essay—namely, the speech form—although I was asked to recast it in the form of a direct narrative. [2:] To this edition I have added two appendices. I have collected in Appendix I the two articles written by Mr. Gandhi by way of review of my speech in the Harijan , and his letter to Mr. Sant Ram, a member of the Jat – Pat – Todak Mandal. 3:] In Appendix II, I have printed my views in reply to the articles of Mr. Gandhi collected in Appendix I. Besides Mr. Gandhi, many others have adversely criticised my views as expressed in my speech. But I have felt that in taking notice of such adverse comments, I should limit myself to Mr. Gandhi. This I have done not because what he has said is so weighty as to deserve a reply, but because to many a Hindu he is an oracle, so great that when he op ens his lips it is expected that the argument must close and no dog must bark. 4:] But the world owes much to rebels who would dare to argue in the face of the pontiff and insist that he is not infallible. I do not care about the credit which every progressive society must give to its rebels. I shall be satisfied if I make the Hindus realize that they are the sick men of India, and that their sickness is causing danger to the health and happiness of other Indians. B. R. AMBEDKAR Preface to the Third Edition [1944] [1:] The Second Edition of this Essay appeared in 1937, and was exhausted within a very short period. A new edition has been in demand for a long time. It was my intention to recast the essay so as to incorporate into it another essay of mine called â€Å"Castes in India, their Origin and their Mechanism,† which appeared in the issue of the Indian Antiquary Journal for May 1917. But as I could not find time, and as there is very little prospect of my being able to do so, and as the demand for it from the public is very insistent, I am content to let this be a mere reprint of the Second Edition. [2:] I am glad to find that this essay has become so popular, and I hope that it will serve the purpose for which it was intended. B. R. AMBEDKAR B. R. AMBEDKAR 22, Prithwiraj Road New Delhi 1st December 1944 1 [Introduction—why I am an unlikely President for this Conference] [1:] Friends, I am really sorry for the members of the Jat – Pat – Todak Mandal who have so very kindly invited me to preside over this Conference. I am sure they will be asked many questions for having selected me as the President. The Mandal will be asked to explain as to why it has imported a man from Bombay to preside over a function which is held in Lahore . I believe the Mandal could easily have found someone better qualified than myself to preside on the occasion. I have criticised the Hindus. I have questioned the authority of the Mahatma whom they revere. They hate me. To them I am a snake in their garden. The Mandal will no doubt be asked by the politically – minded Hindus to explain why it has called me to fill this place of honour. It is an act of great daring. I shall not be surprized if some political Hindus regard it as an insult. This selection of me certainly cannot please the ordinary religiously – minded Hindus. 2:] The Mandal may be asked to explain why it has disobeyed the Shastric injunction in selecting the President. According to the Shastras , the Brahmin is appointed to be the Guru for the three Varnas , , is a direction of the Shastras. The Mandal therefore knows from whom a Hindu should take his lessons and from whom he should not. The Shastras do not permit a Hindu to accept anyone as his Guru merely because he is well – versed. This is made very clear by Ramdas , a Brahmin saint from Maharashtra , who is alleged to have inspired Shivaji to establish a Hindu Raj. In his Dasbodh, a socio – politico- religious treatise in Marathi verse, Ramdas asks, addressing the Hindus, can we accept an Antyaja to be our Guru because he is a Pandit (i. e. learned) ? He gives an answer in the negative. [3:] What replies to give to these questions is a matter which I must leave to the Mandal. The Mandal knows best the reasons which led it to travel to Bombay to select a president, to fix upon a man so repugnant to the Hindus, and to descend so low in the scale as to select an Antyaja —an untouchable — to address an audience of the Savarnas. As for myself, you will allow me to say that I ave accepted the invitation much against my will, and also against the will of many of my fellow untouchables. I know that the Hindus are sick of me. I know that I am not a persona grata [=someone welcome] with them. Knowing all this, I have deliberately kept myself away from them. I have no desire to inflict myself upon them. I have been giving expression t o my views from my own platform. This has already caused a great deal of heart- burning and irritation. [4:] I have no desire to ascend the platform of the Hindus, to do within their sight what I have been doing within their hearing. If I am here it is because of your choice and not because of my wish. Yours is a cause of social reform. That cause has always made an appeal to me, and it is because of this that I felt I ought not to refuse an opportunity of helping the cause—especially when you think that I can help it. Whether what I am going to say today will help you in any way to solve the problem you are grappling with, is for you to judge. All I hope to do is to place before you my views on the problem. 2 [Why social reform is necessary for political reform] 1:] The path of social reform, like the path to heaven (at any rate, in India), is strewn with many difficulties. Social reform in India has few friends and many critics. The critics fall into two distinct classes. One class consists of political reformers, and the other of the Socialists. [2:] It was at one time recognized that without social efficiency, no permanent progress in the other fields of activity was possible; that owing to mischief wr ought by evil customs, Hindu Society was not in a state of efficiency; and that ceaseless efforts must be made to eradicate these evils. It was due to the recognition of this fact that the birth of the National Congress was accompanied by the foundation of the Social Conference. While the Congress was concerned with defining the weak points in the political organisation of the country, the Social Conference was engaged in removing the weak points in the social organisation of the Hindu Society. For some time the Congress and the Conference worked as two wings of one common activity, and they held their annual sessions in the same pandal . 3:] But soon the two wings developed into two parties, a ‘political reform party’ and a ‘social reform party’, between whom there raged a fierce controversy. The ‘political reform party’ supported the National Congress, and the ‘social reform party’ supported the Social Conference. The two bodies thus became two hostile camps. The point at issue was whether social reform should precede political reform. For a decade the forces were evenly balanced, and the battle was fought without victory to either side. 4:] It was, however, evident that the fortunes of the Social Conference were ebbing fast. The gentlemen who presided over the sessions of the Social Conference lamented that the majority of the educated Hindus were for political advancement and indifferent to social reform; and that while the number of those who attended the Congress was very large, and the number who did not attend but who sympathized with it was even larger, the number of those who attended the Social Conference was very much smaller. 5:] This indifference, this thinning of its ranks, was soon followed by active hostility from the politicians. Under the leadership of the late Mr. Tilak , the courtesy with which the Congress allowed the Social Conference the use of its pandal was withdrawn, and the spirit of enmity went to such a pitch that when the Social Conference desired to erect its own pandal, a threat to burn the pandal was held out b y its opponents. Thus in the course of time the party in favour of political reform won, and the Social Conference vanished and was forgotten. [6:] The speech delivered by Mr. W. C. Bonnerji in 1892 at Allahabad, as President of the eighth session of the Congress, sounds like a funeral oration on the death of the Social Conference, and is so typical of the Congress attitude that I venture to quote from it the following extract. Mr. Bonnerji said: â€Å"I for one have no patience with those who say we shall not be fit for political reform until we reform our social system. I fail to see any connection between the two. . . Are we not fit (for political reform) because our widows remain unmarried and our girls are given in marriage earlier than in other countries? ecause our wives and daughters do not drive about with us visiting our friends? because we do not send our daughters to Oxford and Cambridge? † (Cheers [from the audience]) [7:] I have stated the case for political reform as put by Mr. Bonnerji. There were many who were happy that the victory went to the Congress. But those who believe in the importance of social reform may ask, is an argumen t such as that of Mr. Bonnerji final? Does it prove that the victory went to those who were in the right? Does it prove conclusively that social reform has no bearing on political reform ? It will help us to understand the matter if I state the other side of the case. I will draw upon the treatment of the untouchables for my facts. [8:] Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country, the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along, lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or around his neck, as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch by mistake. In Poona, the capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind himself the dust he trod on, lest a Hindu walking on the same dust should be polluted. In Poona , the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot hung around his neck wherever he went—for holding his spit, lest his spit falling on the earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it. [9:] Let me take more recent facts. The tyranny practised by the Hindus upon the Balais, an untouchable community in Central India, will serve my purpose. You will find a report of this in the Times of India of 4th January 1928. The correspondent of the Times of India reported that high – caste Hindus—viz. , Kalotas, Rajputs and Brahmins , including the Patels and Patwaris of the villages of Kanaria, Bicholi – Hafsi, Bicholi – Mardana, and about 15 other villages in the Indore district (of the Indore State )—informed the Balais of their respective villages that if they wished to live among them, they must conform to the following rules: 1 . Balais must not wear gold- lace- bordered pugrees . 2. They must not wear dhotis with coloured or fancy borders. 3 . They must convey intimation [=information] of the death of any Hindu to relatives of the deceased—no matter how far away these relatives may be living. 4. 5. 6. 7. In all Hindu marriages, Balais must play music before the processions and during the marriage. Balai women must not wear gold or silver ornaments; they must not wear fancy gowns or jackets. Balai women must attend all cases of confinement [= childbirth] of Hindu women. Balais must render services without demanding remuneration, and must accept whatever a Hindu is pleased to ive. 8 . If the Balais do not agree to abide by these terms, they must clear out of the villages. [10:] The Balais refused to comply; and the Hindu element proceeded against them. Balais were not allowed to get water from the village wells; they were not allowed to let go their cattle to graze. Balais were prohibited from passing through land owned by a Hindu, so that if the field of a Balai was surrounded by fields owned by Hindus, the Balai could have no access to his own field. The Hindus also let their cattle graze down the fields of Balais. The Balais submitted petitions to the Darbar[= Court of Indore] against these persecutions; but as they could get no timely relief, and the oppression continued, hundreds of Balais with their wives and children were obliged to abandon their homes—in which their ancestors had lived for generations—and to migrate to adjoining States: that is, to villages in Dhar , Dewas , Bagli , Bhopal , Gwalior and other States. What happened to them in their new homes may for the present be left out of our consideration. [11:] The incident at Kavitha in Gujarat happened only last year. The Hindus of Kavitha ordered the untouchables not to insist upon sending their children to the common village school maintained by Government. What sufferings the untouchables of Kavitha had to undergo, for daring to exercise a civic right against the wishes of the Hindus, is too well known to need detailed description. Another instance occurred in the village of Zanu, in the Ahmedabad district of Gujarat . In November 1935 some untouchable women of well – to – do families started fetching water in metal pots. The Hindus looked upon the use of metal pots by untouchables as an affront to their dignity, and assaulted the untouchable women for their impudence. [12:] A most recent event is reported from the village of Chakwara in Jaipur State . It seems from the reports that have appeared in the newspapers that an untouchable of Chakwara who had returned from a pilgrimage had arranged to give a dinner to his fellow untouchables of the village, as an act of religious piety. The host desired to treat the guests to a sumptuous meal, and the items served included ghee (butter) also. But while the assembly of untouchables was engaged in partaking of the food, the Hindus in their hundreds, armed with lathis , rushed to the scene, despoiled the food, and belaboured the untouchables—who left the food they had been served with and ran away for their lives. And why was this murderous assault committed on defenceless untouchables ? The reason given is that the untouchable host was impudent enough to serve ghee, and his untouchable guests were foolish enough to taste it. Ghee is undoubtedly a luxury for the rich. But no one would think that consumption of ghee was a mark of high social status. The Hindus of Chakwara thought otherwise, and in righteous indignation avenged themselves for the wrong done to them by the untouchables, who insulted them by treating ghee as an item of their food—which they ought to have known could not be theirs, consistently with the dignity of the Hindus. This means that an untouchable must not use ghee, even if he can afford to buy it, since it is an act of arrogance towards the Hindus. This happened on or about the 1st of April 1936! 13:] Having stated the facts, let me now state the case for social reform. In doing this, I will follow Mr. Bonnerji as nearly as I can, and ask the political- minded Hindus, â€Å"Are you fit for political power even though you do not allow a large class of your own countrymen like the untouchables to use public schools ? Are you fit for political power even though class of your own countrymen like the untouchables to use pu blic schools ? Are you fit for political power even though you do not allow them the use of public wells? Are you fit for political power even though you do not allow them the use of public streets ? Are you fit for political power even though you do not allow them to wear what apparel or ornaments they like ? Are you fit for political power even though you do not allow them to eat any food they like ? † I can ask a string of such questions. But these will suffice. [14:] I wonder what would have been the reply of Mr. Bonnerji. I am sure no sensible man will have the courage to give an affirmative answer. Every Congressman who repeats the dogma of Mill that one country is not fit to rule another country, must admit that one class is not fit to rule another class. How is it then that the ‘social reform party’ lost the battle ? To understand this correctly it is necessary to take note of the kind of social reform which the reformers were agitating for. In this connection it is necessary to make a distinction between social reform in the sense of the reform of the Hindu family, and social reform in the sense of the reorganization and reconstruction of the Hindu Society. The former has a relation to widow remarriage, child marriage, etc. , while the latter relates to the abolition of the Caste System . [15:] The Social Conference was a body which mainly concerned itself with the reform of the high – caste Hindu family. It consisted mostly of enlightened high – caste Hindus who did not feel the necessity for agitating for the abolition of Caste, or had not the courage to agitate for it. They felt quite naturally a greater urge to remove such evils as enforced widowhood, child marriages, etc. evils which prevailed among them and which were personally felt by them. They did not stand up for the reform of the Hindu Society. The battle that was fought centered round the question of the reform of the family. It did not relate to social reform in the sense of the break- up of the Caste System . It [=the break- up of the Caste System] was never put in issue by the reformers. That is the reason why the Social Reform Party lost. [16:] I am aware that this argument cannot alter the fact that political reform did in fact gain precedence over social reform. But the argument has this much value (if not more): it explains why social reformers lost the battle. It also helps us to understand how limited was the victory which the ‘political reform party’ obtained over the ‘social reform party’, and to understand that the view that social reform need not precede political reform is a view which may stand only when by social reform is meant the reform of the family. That political reform cannot with impunity take precedence over social reform in the sense of the reconstruction of society, is a thesis which I am sure cannot be controverted. 17:] That the makers of political constitutions must take account of social forces is a fact which is recognized by no less a person than Ferdinand Lassalle, the friend and co- worker of Karl Marx. In addressing a Prussian audience in 1862, Lassalle said: The constitutional questions are in the first instance not questions of right but questions of might. The actual constitution of a country has its existence only in the actual condition of force which exists in the country: hence political constitutions have value and permanence only when they accurately express those conditions of forces which exist in practice within a society. 18:] But it is not necessary to go to Prussia. There is evidence at home. What is the significance of the Communal Award, with its allocation of political power in defined proportions to diverse classes and communities ? In my view, its significance lies in this: that political constitution must take note of social organisation. It shows that the politicians who denied that the social problem in India had any bearing on the political problem were forced to reckon with the social problem in devising the Constitution. The Communal Award is, so to say, the nemesis following upon the indifference to and neglect of social reform. It is a victory for the Social Reform Party which shows that, though defeated, they were in the right in insisting upon the importance of social reform. Many, I know, will not accept this finding. The view is current— and it is pleasant to believe in it—that the Communal Award is unnatural and that it is the result of an unholy alliance between the minorities and the bureaucracy. I do not wish to rely on the Communal Award as a piece of evidence to support my contention, if it is said that it is not good evidence. 19:] Let us turn to Ireland. What does the history of Irish Home Rule show ? It is well – known that in the course of the negotiations between the representatives of Ulster and Southern Ireland, Mr. Redmond, the representative of Southern Ireland, in order to bring Ulster into a Home Rule Constitution common to the whole of Ireland, said to the Ireland, in order to bring Ulster into a Home Rule Constitution common to the whole of Ireland, said to the representatives of Ulster: â€Å"Ask any political safeguards you like and you shall have them. What was the reply that Ulstermen gave? Their reply was, â€Å"Damn your safeguards, we don’t want to be ruled by you on any terms. † People who blame the minorities in India ought to consider what would have happened to the political aspirations of the majority, if the minorities had taken the attitude which Ulster took. Judged by the attitude of Ulster to Irish Home Rule, is it nothing that the minorities agreed to be ruled by the majority (which has not shown much sense of statesmanship), provided some safeguards were devised for them ? But this is only incidental. The main question is, why did Ulster take this attitude ? The only answer I can give is that there was a social problem between Ulster and Southern Ireland: the problem between Catholics and Protestants, which is essentially a problem of Caste. That Home Rule in Ireland would be Rome Rule was the way in which the Ulstermen had framed their answer. But that is only another way of stating that it was the social problem of Caste between the Catholics and Protestants which prevented the solution of the political problem. This evidence again is sure to be challenged. It will be urged that here too the hand of the Imperialist was at work. [20:] But my resources are not exhausted. I will give evidence from the History of Rome. Here no one can say that any evil genius was at work. Anyone who has studied the History of Rome will know that the Republican Constitution of Rome bore marks having strong resemblance to the Communal Award. When the kingship in Rome was abolished, the kingly power (or the Imperium) was divided between the Consuls and the Pontifex Maximus. In the Consuls was vested the secular authority of the King, while the latter took over the religious authority of the King. This Republican Constitution had provided that of the two Consuls, one was to be Patrician and the other Plebian. The same Constitution had also provided that of the Priests under the Pontifex Maximus, half were to be Plebians and the other half Patricians. Why is it that the Republican Constitution of Rome had these provisions—which, as I said, resemble so strongly the provisions of the Communal Award? The only answer one can get is that the Constitution of Republican Rome had to take account of the social division between the Patricians and the Plebians, who formed two distinct castes. To sum up, let political reformers turn in any direction they like: they will find that in the making of a constitution, they cannot ignore the problem arising out of the prevailing social order. [21:] The illustrations which I have taken in support of the proposition that social and religious problems have a bearing on political constitutions seem to be too particular. Perhaps they are. But it should not be supposed that the bearing of the one on the other is limited. On the other hand, one can say that generally speaking, History bears out the proposition that political revolutions have always been preceded by social and religious revolutions. The religious Reformation started by Luther was the precursor of the political emancipation of the European people. In England, Puritanism led to the establishment of political liberty. Puritanism founded the new world. It was Puritanism that won the war of American Independence, and Puritanism was a religious movement. 22:] The same is true of the Muslim Empire . Before the Arabs became a political power, they had undergone a thorough religious revolution started by the Prophet Mohammad. Even Indian History supports the same conclusion. The political revolution led by Chandragupta was preceded by the religious and social revolution of Buddha . The political revolution led by Shivaji was preceded by the religious and social r eform brought about by the saints of Maharashtra . The political revolution of the Sikhs was preceded by the religious and social revolution led by Guru Nanak . It is unnecessary to add more illustrations. These will suffice to show that the emancipation of the mind and the soul is a necessary preliminary for the political expansion of the people. 3 [Why social reform is necessary for economic reform] [1:] Let me now turn to the Socialists. Can the Socialists ignore the problem arising out of the social order? The Socialists of India, following their fellows in Europe, are seeking to apply the economic interpretation of history to the facts of India. They propound that man is an economic creature, that his activities and aspirations are bound by economic facts, that property is the only source of power. They therefore preach that political and social reforms are but gigantic illusions, and that economic reform by equalization of property must have precedence over every other kind of reform. One may take issue with every one of these premises—on which rests the Socialists’ case for economic reform as having priority over ssue with every one of these premises—on which rests the Socialists’ case for economic reform as having priority over every other kind of reform. One may contend that the economic motive is not the only motive by which man is actuated [=motivated]. That economic power is the only kind of power, no student of human society can accept. [2:] That the social status of an individual by itself often becomes a source of power and authority, is made clear by the sway which the Mahatmas have hel d over the common man. Why do millionaires in India obey penniless Sadhus and Fakirs ? Why do millions of paupers in India sell their trifling trinkets which constitute their only wealth, and go to Benares and Mecca ? That religion is the source of power is illustrated by the history of India, where the priest holds a sway over the common man often greater than that of the magistrate, and where everything, even such things as strikes and elections, so easily takes a religious turn and can so easily be given a religious twist. [3:] Take the case of the Plebians of Rome, as a further illustration of the power of religion over man. It throws great light on this point. The Plebians had fought for a share in the supreme executive under the Roman Republic, and had secured the appointment of a Plebian Consul elected by a separate electorate constituted by the Commitia Centuriata, which was an assembly of Plebians. They wanted a Consul of their own because they felt that the Patrician Consuls used to discriminate against the Plebians in carrying on the administration. They had apparently obtained a great gain, because under the Republican Constitution of Rome one Consul had the power of vetoing an act of the other Consul. [4:] But did they in fact gain anything? The answer to this question must be in the negative. The Plebians never could get a Plebian Consul who could be said to be a strong man, and who could act independently of the Patrician Consul. In the ordinary course of things the Plebians should have got a strong Plebian Consul, in view of the fact that his election was to be by a separate electorate of Plebians. The question is, why did they fail in getting a strong Plebian to officiate as their Consul? [5:] The answer to this question reveals the dominion which religion exercises over the minds of men. It was an accepted creed of the whole Roman populus [=people] that no official could enter upon the duties of his office unless the Oracle of Delphi declared that he was acceptable to the Goddess. The priests who were in charge of the temple of the Goddess of Delphi were all Patricians. Whenever therefore the Plebians elected a Consul who was known to be a strong party man and opposed to the Patricians—or â€Å"communal,† to use the term that is current in India—the Oracle invariably declared that he was not acceptable to the Goddess. This is how the Plebians were cheated out of their rights. 6:] But what is worthy of note is that the Plebians permitted themselves to be thus cheated because they too, like the Patricians, held firmly the belief that the approval of the Goddess was a condition precedent to the taking charge by an official of his duties, and that election by the people was not enough. If the Plebians had contended that election was enough and that t he approval by the Goddess was not necessary, they would have derived the fullest benefit from the political right which they had obtained. But they did not. They agreed to elect another, less suitable to themselves but more suitable to the Goddess—which in fact meant more amenable to the Patricians. Rather than give up religion, the Plebians give up the material gain for which they had fought so hard. Does this not show that religion can be a source of power as great as money, if not greater? [7:] The fallacy of the Socialists lies in supposing that because in the present stage of European Society property as a source of power is predominant, that the same is true of India, or that the same was true of Europe in the past. Religion, social status, and property are all sources of ower and authority, which one man has, to control the liberty of another. One is predominant at one stage; the other is predominant at another stage. That is the only difference. If liberty is the ideal, if liberty means the destruction of the dominion which one man holds over another, then obviously it cannot be insisted upon that economic reform must be t he one kind of reform worthy of pursuit. If the source of power and dominion is, at any given time or in any given society, social and religious, then social reform and religious reform must be accepted as the necessary sort of reform. 8:] One can thus attack the doctrine of the Economic Interpretation of History adopted by the Socialists of India. But I recognize that the economic interpretation of history is not necessary for the validity of the Socialist contention that equalization of property is the only real reform and that it must precede everything else. However, what I would like to ask the Socialists is this: Can you have economic reform without first bringing about a reform of the social order? The Socialists of India do not seem to have considered this question. I do not wish to do them an injustice. I give below a Socialists of India do not seem to have considered this question. I do not wish to do them an injustice. I give below a quotation from a letter which a prominent Socialist wrote a few days ago to a friend of mine, in which he said, â€Å"I do not believe that we can build up a free society in India so long as there is a trace of this ill – treatment and suppression of one class by another. Believing as I do in a socialist ideal, inevitably I believe in perfect equality in the treatment of various classes and groups. I think that Socialism offers the only true remedy for this as well as other problems. [9:] Now the question that I would like to ask is: Is it enough for a Socialist to say, â€Å"I believe in perfect equality in the treatment of the various classes ? † To say that such a belief is enough is to disclose a complete lack of understanding of what is involved in Socialism. If Socialism is a practical programme and is not merely an ideal, distant and far off, t he question for a Socialist is not whether he believes in equality. The question for him is whether he minds one class ill treating and suppressing another class as a matter of system, as a matter of rinciple—and thus allowing tyranny and oppression to continue to divide one class from another. [10:] Let me analyse the factors that are involved in the realization of Socialism, in order to explain fully my point. Now it is obvious that the economic reform contemplated by the Socialists cannot come about unless there is a revolution resulting in the seizure of power. That seizure of power must be by a proletariat. The first question I ask is: Will the proletariat of India combine to bring about this revolution? What will move men to such an action? It seems to me that, other things being equal, the only thing that will move one man to take such an action is the feeling that other men with whom he is acting are actuated by a feeling of equality and fraternity and—above all—of justice. Men will not join in a revolution for the equalization of property unless they know that after the revolution is achieved they will be treated equally, and that there will be no discrimination of caste and creed. [11:] The assurance of a Socialist leading the revolution that he does not believe in Caste, I am sure will not suffice. The assurance must be the assurance proceeding from a much deeper foundation—namely, the mental attitude of the compatriots towards one another in their spirit of personal equality and fraternity. Can it be said that the proletariat of India, poor as it is, recognises no distinctions except that of the rich and the poor? Can it be said that the poor in India recognize no such distinctions of caste or creed, high or low? If the fact is that they do, what unity of front can be expected from such a proletariat in its action against the rich? How can there be a revolution if the proletariat cannot present a united front ? [12:] Suppose for the sake of argument that by some freak of fortune a revolution does take place and the Socialists come into power; will they not have to deal with the problems created by the particular social order prevalent in India ? I can’t see how a Socialist State in India can function for a second without having to grapple with the problems created by the prejudices which make Indian people observe the distinctions of high and low, clean and unclean. If Socialists are not to be content with the mouthing of fine phrases, if the Socialists wish to make Socialism a definite reality, then they must recognize that the problem of social reform is fundamental, and that for them there is no escape from it. [13:] That the social order prevalent in India is a matter which a Socialist must deal with; that unless he does so he cannot achieve his revolution; and that if he does achieve it as a result of good fortune, he will have to grapple with the social order if he wishes to realize his ideal—is a proposition which in my opinion is incontrovertible. He will be compelled to take account of Caste after the revolution, if he does not take account of it before the revolution. This is only another way of saying that, turn in any direction you like, Caste is the monster that crosses your path. You cannot have political reform, you cannot have economic reform, unless you kill this monster. 4 [Caste is not just a division of labour, it is a division of labourers] [1:] It is a pity that Caste even today has its defenders. The defences are many. It is defended on the ground that the Caste System is but another name for division of labour; and if division of labour is a necessary feature of every civilized society, then it is argued that there is nothing wrong in the Caste System. Now the first thing that is to be urged against this view is that the Caste System is not merely a division of labour. It is also a division of labourers . Civilized society undoubtedly needs division of labour. But in no civilized society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural undoubtedly needs division of labour. But in no civilized society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into watertight compartments. The Caste System is not merely a division of labourers which is quite different from division of labour—it is a hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. In no other country is the division of labour accompanied by this gradation of labourers. [2:] There is also a third point of criticism against this view of the Caste System . This division of labour is not spontaneous, it is not based on natural aptitudes. Social and individual efficiency requires us to develop the capacity of an individual to the point of competency to choose and to make his own career. This principle is violated in the Caste System, in so far as it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals in advance—selected not on the basis of trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents. [3:] How to cite Annihilation of Caste, Papers

Patrick henry free essay sample

When Patrick Henry gave his speech he knew that not everyone would accept what he had to say. To me everyone should have the courage to stand up for what they believe in no matter how everyone else will view it. Patrick Henry gave this speech because he felt that they were not treated as equals and had the right to be treated equally. Everyone should be treated equally. In 1775 and in todays society all the government cares about is power and money not the citizens of the United States, its ore like what the citizens of the United States can give them.In his speech he gave all the reasons why the government is messed up and everything that they have done to their people. He did his research before standing up in front of the crowd and telling them what he found out and his opinion on the situation. We will write a custom essay sample on Patrick henry or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page When he stood up and talked he had no notes he spoke openly about what he believed In and why. I liked how passionate and fiery, he was with regards to the situation with Britain. Henry felt that Britain has done wrong, and British wanted to feel superior.That was my same viewpoint, it Just seemed like the British did whatever they wanted, and never cared about the colonists. Like Patrick Henry had said we are more likely to look away or shut our eyes against the truth and listen to the song of the siren till she transforms us Into beats! This is still going on today In 2014, we listen to the media and our friends and families Instead of us developing our own opinions and standing p for what we believe in.Eventually everything that we listen to will turn us Into beasts, everything that we listen to whether It be the media or anyone else they could be filling our head with false Information. We dont know the truth we only know the truth that they want us to know. Patrick Henry and his followers werent backing down they were standing up for their rights and for what they believ ed In. To me that Is very Inspiring and many more people should follow his example. Give me liberty or give me death!

Friday, May 1, 2020

Comparison of AGL and Lend Lease Company Free Sample for Students

Question: Compare and Contrast the two companies in relation to the Following: A vision or Mission StatementValues of the Organisation Corporate Social Responsibility/Sustainability Stakeholders mentioned in their Corporate Statements Answer: Introduction AGL is the leading companies in Australia and is also one of the largest ASX listed owner, operator and developer of the renewable generation assets in the country. The power generation portfolio of AGL includes peaking, base and intermediate generation plants as well as the renewable sources that further include wind, solar, biomass and landfill. Lend lease is a company based in Australia that was founded in the year 1958 by Dutch immigrant and innovator Dick Dusseldrop . The headquarter of the company is in Sydney, Australia. It employees more than 12,000 employees internationally. The regional offices of the company are located in New York, London and Singapore. The core capabilities of the company includes constriction, development and investment across the property Mission and Vision Statement The missions statement includes the purpose of the organization, company or person and the reason for its existence. It is a written declaration that includes the purpose of the company and the focus that remains unchanged. Vision Statement The vision of the AGL includes creating energy solutions for the communities of today as well as tomorrow. The company has a vision of being a pioneer City Gas Distribution Company .It is argued by the company that its brand promises the Actions and not the words. The values of the company include: One Team Authentic Delivery Sustainable and Safe Vitality On the other hand, the main vision of Lend Lease is to create better places. The company works very closely with its investors, clients and communities all over Europe, Australia, America and Asia so that it can create unique places(LendLease., 2012). The company believes in creating the places that leaves positive legacy and further helps in enriching the lives of the people. The company puts safety first and hence delivers an efficient and innovative solution that provides long term sustainable developments for the various stakeholders of the company. Mission Environment is a very big concern for everyone and while operating in the environment, the mission of the AGL is committed towards: The satisfaction and delight of the customers Transparency in the policies and processes Good corporate governance Uninteruption in the supply of Gas(AGL, 2014) Adaption of the best operational practices Values Value are core to the organizations and they help the organizations to distinguish from other companies. The values underpin the objectives and policies. The values of AGL works on ethical compass that helps in guiding the people in their behavior and making the decisions along with that it helps in fueling the energy that helps the leaders in thriving their teams. For keeping its values on top of mind AGL believes in promoting a recognition and reward program that is known as Living the Values that has a main attraction of $ 10,000 travel voucher for the employee of the year. While when we look in to the company Lend Lease we would come to know that the values of the company helps in guiding the behavior of the company and underpinning the code of conduct of the company . The company lives in the values of the company in its everyday operations. Corporate social responsibility and Sustainability The corporate social responsibility includes the way in which the business describes its way it takes in to account the social, financial and environmental decisions that further impacts its actions and decisions of the company The meaning of sustainability is remaining focused on the investors, governments and consumers who has the main demand for improving the social and environmental outcomes. Sustainability for AGL means thinking about the various responsibilities of the stakeholders of the company that includes its employees, community, investors and environment. The sustainability strategy of the company helps in managing, identifying and monitoring the material risks that further helps in affecting the ability to protect the long term value of the company. The framework around which the AGL works includes the ongoing reporting that further provides transparent, accurate, timely and responsive account for the commitment and performance along with the opportunities and risks of the company. On contrary to this the sustainability of the company Lend Lease includes the creation of the better places for the people and meeting the needs and demands of the people. While the government and the communities are working hard for seeking the partners that are trusted who helps in enhancing the urban areas that are healthy, efficient and resilient features(Hundloe, 2015). The company has a proud and long history of always giving equal emphasis to the social, economic and environmental outcomes that delivers the places that helps in responding the global forces that shapes the future of the company. The company eliminates the wastes from its business by using the clean energy and creating more clean water along with giving equal respect to the nature(Dainty, 2013). The Lend Lease Company acknowledges the Brunt land definition of sustainability. The company has a belief that the sustainable city is not just the green city, on the other hand the sustainable city is one that is livable , well managed, governed , financially viable and competitive. By creating a good inbuilt environment through the various sustainable objectives helps in increasing the value of the company at regional, local and city levels. This value further helps in enhancing the economic viability of the (Kirsteen, 2009)company(Submission by Lend LeaseToHouse of Representatives Parliamentary Committee Inquiry , 2003). Key stakeholders The stakeholders of the company are the people who have some kind of stake in the company. The Stakeholders of the company can be affected or can affect the actions of the company, policies and objectives. Some of the key stakeholders are the creditors, government, employees, directors, unions, suppliers and the community from which the resources of the business are drawn. The stakeholders of the company are very broad and they have diverse interests. The company engages in constructive and dialogue with the stakeholders so that the company can be responsive to the issues that are very important for the employees, customers, investors and the community(George, 2015). On the other hand the key stakeholders of the Lend Lease Company include its employees, shareholders, its investors and employees(Zaloga, 2013). SMART objectives SMART is an acronym of Specific: Where a specific area is targeted for the improvement Measurable: Indicator for the progress of the company Achievable: which also includes assignable objectives under which that will be doing the work is specified. Realistic: Under this the results that are realistic and can be achieved with in the available resources are specified Timely objectives: Under this the time in which the results can be achieved is specified(Henderson, 2013) The companies often prepare their objectives according to SMART format. The SMART format of the objectives includes various types of objectives like the process objectives, outcome objectives, personal objectives and Impact objectives. The objectives of the AGL limited includes the aspiration of the company for Safety, Health and environment by providing zero harm to the environment and the people in which the company operates. The objectives of the company are achieved by its HSE (Health, Safety and Environmental Management System). The HSE policy objective of AGL includes: Actively demonstrating the commitments towards the sustainable growth that includes the protection of the environment. Providing a safe and healthy workplace and try to eliminate the injuries that are related to the workplace(Annoynomous, 2002) The key objectives as included in the compliance management of the AGL limited are: Developing and fostering a compliance culture within the business. Enabling the design and implementation of the compliance controls Providing accurate and timely review, monitoring and compliance risks Raising the level compliance obligation awareness (Compliance Policy AGL Energy Limited, 2011) While, on the contrary the Company Lend Lease developed a committee who ahs the main motive to enquire in to the various policies and issues that are related to the development of the sustainable cities to the year 2025. At Lend Lease the company works internationally that allows it to bring different alternatives and contexts to the development projects and issues(Cooper, 2012). Believable While going through the history of AGL it has been observed that the company since its creation in 1837 has been one of the oldest companies of Australia(Pieterson, 2002). There were many developments by the company since its creation. It introduced gas purification in Australia. It pioneered the new pioneer pipe technology . It is very well aware of its responsibilities towards the community and the environment. It is taking actions responsibly to reduce the green house emissions(View, 2004) by providing secure and affordable energy to the customers. It is committed to achieving the excellence in the environmental performance and management. It launched the Affordability initiative in December 2014 . The key commitments of the initiative are: Improving the way of working with customers Improve traspreacy and comparability Delivering clear customer choice Providing easy to find assistance Supporting the policies that helps in enhancing competition (AGL, 2015). On the hand when going through the history of Lend Lease Company it can be observed that it ahs won many awards for the excellence of its work. The Queensland Building business of the company has won two awards for the centre of childrens health research(Lend Lease, 2015). Conclusion At last, it can be concluded that both the companies are performing quite well and when a comparison in regard to various thing are made of both the companies, it can be seen that both of them are on almost same platform and have same objectives(Annoynomous, 2008). The Mission and vision statement of both the queries though differs in words but is having same meaning. Both the companies are performing for the sustainable development and are having the corporate social responsibilities that can prove out to be advantageous for them in their future. It can be said that the companies shall work more hard for performing better and delivering great results in the future. AGL has been working hard to uphold the highest standards of transparency and ethical conduct in relation to its political engagement(Grenville, 2002). It is committed to building diverse workforce . As it is believed by the company that by valuing the diversity it can have better engagement and understanding with the cus tomers, employees, communities in which they are carrying their operations. References AGL, 2014. https://agl2014.sustainability-report.com.au. [Online] Available at: https://agl2014.sustainability-report.com.au/about-agl [Accessed 4 April 2017]. AGL, 2015. AGL.com. [Online] Available at: https://www.agl.com.au/about-agl/what-we-stand-for/our-commitments [Accessed 8 April 2017]. Annoynomous, 2002. Jobson's Year Book of Public Companies - Volume 71 - Page 832. Annoynomous, 2008. AGL company and Lend lease. Business Review Weekly, pp.26-29. Compliance Policy AGL Energy Limited, 2011. AGL.com. [Online] Available at: https://www.agl.com.au/~/media/AGL/About%20AGL/Documents/Media%20Center/What%20We%20Stand%20For/2011/June/AGL_Compliance_Policy_201106.pdf [Accessed 7 April 2017]. Cooper, W., 2012. Behold a Pale Horse. Dainty, A., 2013. Corporate Social Responsibility in the Construction Industry - Page 263. New York: Springer. George, A., 2015. Energy in Action. [Online] Available at: https://aglblog.com.au/2015/02/key-stakeholders/ [Accessed 7 April 2017]. Grenville, K., 2002. The case against fragnance. The case against fragnance. Henderson, S., 2013. The One Page Financial Plan: Everything You Need to Successfully. Hundloe, T., 2015. The Gold Coast Transformed: From Wilderness to Urban Ecosystem. Kirsteen, K., 2009. International Association for Mission Studies. Mission Studies Journals. Lend Lease, 2015. Lend LEase.com. [Online] Available at: https://www.lendlease.com/au/company/achievements-and-awards/ [Accessed 8 April 2017]. LendLease., 2012. LendLease.com. [Online] Available at: https://www.lendlease.com/au/company/vision-and-strategy/ [Accessed 7 April 2017]. Pieterson, W., 2002. Reinventing Strategy. Submission by Lend LeaseToHouse of Representatives Parliamentary Committee Inquiry , 2003. Sustainable Cities 2025. [Online] Available at: file:///D:/Chargeback/7%20April/http---www.aphref.aph.gov.au-house-committee-environ-cities-subs-sub71.pdf [Accessed 7 April 2017]. View, S., 2004. Business Review Weekly: BRW - Volume 26, Issues 21-24 - Page 8. Zaloga, S., 2013. M7 Priest 105mm Howitzer Motor Carriage - Page 48.